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Franz Vranitzky Speaks to Fulbrighters |
| I am deeply moved and honored for having been selected to receive this year's
Fulbright Prize for International Understanding. Joining ranks with Nelson
Mandela and Jimmy Carter, two outstanding leaders and two exceptional human
beings whose achievements have always been an inspiration to my own work, is
indeed among the crowning moments of my many years in public service. I humbly
accept the Prize not only on my own behalf, but on behalf of the Austrian people
who have built--out of the ashes of war and tyranny--a prosperous and stable
democracy which has come to terms with its history and has reclaimed its place
in the Europe of the future--a country we have all the right to be proud of.
But we are living in a time of tremendous changes: the globalization of
economic relations, demographic and social pressures, the strain on our natural
environment, pathbreaking technological developments like the digital
revolution, all these factors challenge the wisdom of our conventional
policy-making and render many of our national political instruments and programs
inefficient, insufficient and inadequate. |
| European Integration |
| The only way to master these new challenges is through common action and joint
strategies, which transcend the patterns of traditional cooperation. This is
exactly why Austria decided to join the European integration process and became
a member of the European Union in January this year. |
| But European integration to us is much more than free trade or a common social
and environmental policy. It means to actively participate in a common endeavor
to establish lasting and comprehensive peace and stability on a continent which
for centuries had been ravaged by wars and nationalistic violence.
European integration is a very complex and sometimes contradictory process. And
its vigor has been put to an additional test by the dramatic transformation in
Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union after 1989. |
| The collapse of communism has dramatically reduced the threat of a military
confrontation; at the same time, new insecurities and potentially destabilizing
factors have emerged, such as: social and economic disparities, migratory
movements; organized crime, unsafe nuclear reactors and aging atomic weapons,
and above all the danger of new wave of nationalism and the disintegration of
multiethnic states. But the changes in the former communist world have also
created enormous new possibilities for cooperation; and we have to take
advantage of these opportunities to a much larger extent than we have done so
far. |
| I think we have every reason to do so: every dollar, every ECU which we invest
in the success of the democratic and economic reform process is a direct
investment in our own stability and security.
Austria therefore fully supports the intention of the Central and Eastern
European states--and especially our immediate neighboring countries--to join the
process of European integration as quickly as possible; and we are prepared to
assist them, both through national and multilateral programs, in achieving this
goal. |
| Economic Reconstruction |
| But to tackle the immense scope of problems associated with the creation of a
"Europe whole and free," we in the West will have to mobilize all our
imagination and determination; and we will have to do so for years to come. I
know that this is not easy in a time when the public attention span tends to
reach no further than to the latest headline. |
| The task of restructuring the economies of the new democracies is enormous, and
the Western assistance which has so far been provided remains a rather sketchy
patchwork. Regretfully, we were not able to mobilize right from the beginning
the necessary political will for a coordinated program of reconstruction as it
was done through the Marshall Plan after World War II. |
| The success of economic transformation is still the most important precondition
to permanently secure the victory of democracy and open societies in the
post-communist countries. There is simply no alternative to continuing our
efforts and our assistance for the reform process. |
| We have to sit down together and to develop new financing mechanisms; set
priorities; harmonize policies and strategies; eliminate obstacles to trade and
investment; and win over the private sector for new types of partnership to
further this cooperation. |
| Infrastructure Development |
| A priority of common action is the development of infrastructure modern networks
of transportation, telecommunications and energy supply as a prerequisite for
dynamic growth and attraction of investment. |
| In the framework of the so called "Trans-European Networks," the European Union
has decided to modernize its own infrastructure. I strongly advocate taking the
program one step further and include the reform countries in this effort. It
will not only give an additional boost to the restructuring of their economies
and create important employment opportunities; new infrastructure links between
East and West are also a visible signal that our aim is not to create new
dividing lines, but to bridge and eliminate old ones. |
| |
| To speed up this process, I initiated a framework for regional infrastructure
projects. Our first focus country was Hungary, and together with interested
Western partners concrete projects in the field of energy, transport and
environment could be identified and brought closer to realization. Next spring,
this initiative will be extended to Slovenia, with Slovakia being next in the
line. |
| So far, I have concentrated on cooperation between the reform countries and the
West. Of equal importance is the improvement of relations between the new
democracies in the European East. |
| Although we have seen encouraging developments like the setting up of the
Central European Free Trade Association, and the emerging of cooperative
structures within the Community of Independent States, there are still many
political and historic barriers which hamper the vast potential for cooperation
among the countries of the former communist bloc. |
| Austria has been very active in promoting this kind of cooperation in order to
contribute to stability and to mutual understanding in the area. Already in
1989, we co-founded, together with Italy, a forum for regional consultations
which today, under the name of "Central European Initiative", brings together 14
reform countries for regular meetings on a broad range of issues.
In addition, I inaugurated a special trilateral cooperation between Austria,
Slovakia and Hungary. Joint programs in the field of foreign and security
policy, home affairs and cross-border cooperation aim at confidence building to
overcome the latent conflict over the issue of ethnic minorities between these
two countries. |
| Privileged by geographic location, longstanding historic ties and her status of
neutrality, Austria started to develop relations with the East long before the
historic year of 1989. When the barbed wire fences finally were cut and the
mine fields cleared, Austrian business people, journalists and scientists could
already rely on a network of well-established contacts and a wealth of know-how
in dealing with the reform countries. |
| Today, Austrian entrepreneurs are among the most active investors and joint
venture partners in the whole region, and the Austrian government provides,
after Germany, the second-highest per capita rate of financial and technical
assistance. These efforts have made Austria the Western country with the
closest relations to the new democracies. |
| Just last month, I opened in Vienna a conference bringing together the deputy
prime ministers for economic affairs of all the successor states of the former
Soviet Union; during the very same week, an international meeting focused on a
huge transcontinental pipeline project that should link Central Asia with
Europe, underlining Austria's continuing role as gateway between East and West. |
| Preventing New Dividing Lines |
| n all our efforts to strengthen the ties with the post-communist countries, our
most important objective is to prevent the creation of new dividing lines in
Europe. And every step taken by the West, be it in economic and trade relations
or in the field of security policy has to be measured against this overall goal.
When focusing on the importance of regional integration we have to make one
point clear: these regional entities--be it the European Union, NAFTA or the new
groupings developing in South America and South East Asia--these regional
entities must not become self-centered and inward-looking. They have to
perceive each other as partners within a global framework, rather than as
opponents and competitors. |
| I have on various occasions warned against this danger of fortress-building; and
I will continue to strongly advocate such an open door policy towards all
regions of the world. |
| This includes the development of a comprehensive special relationship with the
Russian Federation and the Ukraine, a close cooperation with the Mediterranean,
and, above all, a new and enhanced transatlantic partnership. Neither
"spaghetti wars" and fishery disputes nor short-lived fads of neo-isolationism
will ever be strong enough to break the close historic and cultural ties which
bind us together. |
| Prospects for Peace |
| In the historic year of 1989, many of us in the West were full of hope that with
the end of the great ideological confrontation the time had finally come for
global peace and democracy; some even went as far as to proclaim the "end of
history." |
| But soon these hopes were shattered by Sarajevo and Srebrenica, in Kurdistan, in
the Caucasus and in the refugee camps of Rwanda. And the inhuman cynicism of
"ethnic cleansing" which we had to witness in all these flashpoints of crisis
has demonstrated in the most drastic way that we still have a long way to go
until the solemn commitments of the UN Charter have become living reality for
all human beings. |
| Once the voices of reason and humanism have been drowned out by nationalistic
propaganda, once violence and war have broken out, it is a long and painful
process to restore peace and reconciliation.
With this in mind, all our expectations and hopes are focused on the ongoing
negotiations in Dayton, to bring peace to the peoples of former Yugoslavia; and
we all wish them success. |
| Common Bond of Human Dignity |
| Senator Fulbright once stated, and I quote: "The rapprochement of peoples is
only possible when the difference of culture and outlook are respected rather
than feared and condemned; when the common bond of human dignity is recognized
as the essential bond for a peaceful world." |
| The breakthrough between Israel and the Palestinians and the peaceful transition
in South Africa have shown what can be achieved through determination and good
will. And the moving words which King Hussein of Jordan spoke at the funeral
of Yitzhak Rabin are testimony to the victory of peace and human dignity over
destruction and human suffering. |
| This bond of human dignity, just like the basic rights and freedoms of man, is
universal, and its substance remains the same, wherever it is at stake; be it in
a democracy or under a totalitarian regime. And neither the level of
development nor the cultural background should be used as an excuse for its
violation or neglect. |
| Various analysts of international relations have stated that with the end of the
Cold War a fundamental new gap has opened between liberal, Western-style
democracies and the societies based on Islam or other cultural traditions. It
is true, there is a dividing line; but this line is not new, and it is not
separating religions and civilizations; it is running between openness and
suppression; between tolerance and fanaticism; between cooperation and
self-isolation. |
| I am personally convinced that the best precondition for peace, democracy and
human rights is to secure an acceptable standard of living for all nations in
the world. And we in the so-called "wealthy North" have a common
responsibility to help create this precondition, and to contribute our share to
such a global framework of prosperity and stability. |
| We cannot tolerate poverty and exclusion, unemployment and disease in wide parts
of the world and at the same time expect that all those living under such
conditions live together peacefully and observe the rules of democracy that we
are used to. |
| In the end, democracy and the rule of law, just like durable peace, cannot be
transplanted or enforced from outside, but have to be achieved and secured by
the peoples themselves. What the international community must do is to stand
for its ideals and values through a constant process of dialogue and the support
all those forces which represent tolerance and understanding all over the world. |
| Challenges to Peace |
| But I would like to warn against complacency and self-satisfaction: the
realization of peace and democracy is a task which is never finished. It is a
challenge which every country, every society has to permanently strive for. And
nobody in political office can shy away from this responsibility.
Let me return to Senator Fulbright, who stated: "If ever a universal victory
for democratic values comes within reach, it will come not through acts of
foreign policy, and certainly not through military policy, but rather through
the magnetism of freedom itself. The prospects for freedom depend ultimately on
how it is practiced in free societies." |
| Especially in times of fundamental change, when people feel insecure about their
own future, political developments may occur which run counter to our basic
values and aspirations--even in our well-established democracies.
I am thinking of a certain readiness to believe in authoritarian and
antidemocratic slogans; I am thinking of intolerance, bigotry and xenophobia;
and I am thinking of individual acts of terror and violence which unfortunately
we experience--in Europe, in the Middle East, and even here in the United
States. |
| Just as we cannot accept that the people of the Third World are kept outside of
global development, we cannot tolerate that broad sectors of our own populations
are economically and socially pushed to the fringes of society. Social
exclusion does not only create material poverty, it fertilizes the breeding
grounds for radicalism and nationalism. |
| Political Leadership |
| What we need is political leadership to address these fundamental issues. But
we need leadership not only in economic, social or foreign policy. We also need
it to give credibility to our values of tolerance, national consensus and
international understanding. To me, this means political education in its
broadest sense. |
| Senator Fulbright was such a prominent leader who realized the importance of
this task. And the program which carries his name has surely done more to
advance the cause of peace and understanding than any other initiative in this
field. |
| I hope for all of us that this legacy--the program--will be preserved and kept
strong for the years to come, as one of the best investments into our own common
future. |
| In this sense, and in memory of my friend Yitzhak Rabin, I decided to donate the
$50,000 award associated with the prize to an initiative which fully reflects
the vision of Senator Fulbright: the Mideast Youth Peace Program, an Austrian
project bringing together young people from Israel, Palestine, Jordan, Egypt and
Austria to pass on the message of peace and understanding to the next
generation. |
| A few weeks ago, an important Austrian Peace Prize was awarded, it was awarded
to Mr. Saro-Wiwa of Nigeria. Mr. Saro-Wiwa could not appear in Vienna to receive
the prize. He sent his young son. At the receiving ceremony, the young man
said he was all but sure he would see his father again, who had been in prison
at that time for quite a period, again. The inhuman and criminal Nigerian
regime proved very soon that the son's fear was very realistic. It is with deep
concern and with disgust that we will have to reconsider our relationship to
those who right now are in command, unfortunately in command in Nigeria. And I
think it is not only our task to express disgust but again and again we have to
ask ourselves what have we done? Have we done enough to reach our goals?
Have we done enough over the past fifty years to reach our ultimate goals of
peace, democracy and global development? I think that we achieved a lot. Step
by step we advanced the respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. We
have encouraged democratic structures and made sustainable development a common
task for the international community. But these promising signs are still
threatened by regional conflicts and civil wars, by poverty, illiteracy, and the
dangers of nationalism and fundamentalism. |
| The challenges ahead of us are enormous, and the lesson we have to draw is
simple--redouble our efforts and invest more than ever into the greatest
potential we possess--our human resources. What we need is twofold: a strong
political vision, and a determined, pragmatic hands-on approach to make our
dreams become reality. |
| Senator Fulbright once said: "Our future is not in the stars but in our own
minds and hearts;" and I might add, it is in our own hands. |
| Presented Nov. 11 at the 1995 Fulbright Prize ceremony at the U.S. Department of State.
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